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The 1. Congress of TİKB has been performed. by TIKB, 16 October 2012


The Congress has not only provided TİKB an official program for the first time in its history, but also renewed and updated our bylaw which was unanimously accepted in our 3. Conference realized at the end of 1997 under the light of socialism of the 21.Century and our understanding of the party.

The Congress has also made a general evaluation of the developments took place in our organization since our 4. Conference that was done in January 2010 and determined the guidelines regarding our approaches and strategical aims for the time course in front of us. The Congress completed its works after the election of the new Central Committee.

Our Congress has been the “congress of the firsts” in many ways in the history of TİKB.

First of all this has been the first Congress of TİKB which has performed 4 Conferences until then.

This has been our organization’s first congress ever since April 1980 which had been dragged into severe organizational crises because of being incapable of performing the conferences on time except the first one. In the Congress, furthermore, two very essential organizational documents such as the program and the bylaw have been discussed by all of the delegates and opinions exchanged mutually in no rush and yet the time period foreseen for these procedures in the bylaw had not been exceeded.

Achievement of an offical program, without any doubt, can be considered among the most important “firsts” which our congress has succeeded. Our 1. Congress had saved TİKB from a historical and fundamental weakness and a shame such as “revolutinonism with no program”.

In fact, TİKB was not completely lacking a programmatic perspective and strategical approach as liquidator quitters and egocentric pettybourgeois opponents who start history with themselves tried to display. Unlike those cheap demagogic claims which distort history shamelessly, TİKB, since '68 when its rooted, has always been a follower and an eminent representative of the proletarian socialism and credited the proletariat as the idealogical and the practical pioneer of our revolution. As a representative of a militant ML, it stood against all types of revisionism and reformizm. It has been a leader in developing an attitude against the Soviet Revisionism as well as the Maoist “Three Worlds Theory”. Even though when it was defending the “democratic revolution” in the 70ies under the partial influence of “National Democratic Revolution” movement, it still had a strategical approach that was emphasizing socialism and uninterrupted/continious revolution.

For a long time it has refrained to produce a written program covering the principals of its ideological and political line because of the fear and hesitation of a “sectist”revolutionism which is far from revolutionary power consciousness and claim. It showed a courage of taking a step in this regards first in 1979 after the MAM (Meeting of Advanced Militants). It presented its fundamental opinions which developed until that date by means of the 1979 Platform.

Contentwise the 1979 Platform had the properties of a program. Despite the fact of bearing some stains and defects of pro-NDR, it still had a ML essence and a distinct proletarian socialist approach. However its greatest weakness was its inability to show the couarge of defining itself as a “program”.

TİKB maintained and developed its historical line and its militant proletarian revolutionary understanding as set forth in the 1979 Platform until mid-90’s. But beginning from ’95 and then, it experienced consecutive liquidating fractures. One of the most determinant factors that caused TİKB to experience those liqidating fractures which dragged it not only to a point of losing its ideological identity but also dragged it to alienation to its own history and historical reserves was the lack of a clear, definite and a binding program. If there had been a binding ML program which had been discussed and accepted by everyone in those days, then it would not have been possible for the old minded revolutioarism fans who stuck in the time tunnel on one hand and the liquidators representing the intellectual opportunism of rotten petit-bourgeoise on the second hand who try to theorize their run-away from the struggle by misinterpreting the great historical changes occurring in the world would not have the grounds to stir the pot in the organization for such a long time.

TİKB is now putting an end to “programless” revolutionarism which is open to cyclic influences and drifts along with its weakness regarding revolutionary power consciousness.

Above all, our program, discussed and finalized in our first Congress has a very clear cut proletarian socialist character. From now on, no demagogue can hang on the lie and slander that “TİKB has a narrow antifascist revolutionist concept and its horizon is limited with democratic revolution.” The TİKB Program, along with having a clear proletarian socialist content, also has a very distinctive feature compared worn out socialist arguments. On the basis of this distintion lies the fact that TİKB’s consideration of socialism does not take capitalism as a starting point, but conceives socialism retrospectively from the future communist society which is the historical target of the revolutionary proletariat. This approach reflects the core of Marxism which considers socialism as the first/starting phase of the communist society from the beginning.

TİKB’s perception of socialism and its program is clearly and distincly opposes the thought-lazy programs suppose that they can define today’s socialism by means of models formulated in 1870’s or 1930’s. It also opposes opportunist distortions which emphasize only one or two aspects of socialism neglecting its wholesomeness. Because TİKB sees the essence of socialism in the construction of a new social order and a new production type which abolish all kinds of alienations regarding the act of dispossession of the dispossessors. Instead of percieving the entirety of this essence, downgrading it to a tool which would only lead to construction of an advanced political democracy or a means for ecenomical development attempt means removing socialism from the starting point of the path leading to communism which may be welcomed by various petit-bourgeoise groups and even the bourgeoisie who like very much to prun and to degenerate socialism.

The TİKB Program which has been accepted in our 1. Congress has a different format from the classisical Marxist party programs. Generally program of a Marxist party satisfies with intensified dissertations. The justification and explanation of these dissertations would require explanatory sub-texts, special studies and researches. However the TİKB Program has been written by considering the average consciousness level of the working class as the target mass of the revolutionary movement. Today even the pioneers of the class and the revolutionary cadre are in a frightening level of ignorance and alienation about the ML Theory and the top values and dissertations of proletarian revolutionism. On the other hand the pollution in minds and souls created by the neoliberal liquidation is very extensive. Knowledge picked up from here and there (herasay) and residue of fruitless discussions are still widespread even on the issues covered in the program.That is why we have tried to take an explanatory way in the format of the program as much as possible.

Our 1. Congress has made some significant modifications in our bylaw.

Perception of the 21. Century’s Party and Socialism guided the changes in the bylaw as happened in the Program. The quotation given below is taken from the Introduction part of the bylaw, where TİKB’s perception of the bylaw is summarized, explains the justification of the changes:

“In the interpretation and the implementation of the bylaw, TİKB grounds on democracy within the organization and on the participation of organizational forces in decision making processes. It sees this as a base for a powerfull and a conscious centralism.”

The changes regarding abolishment of the secreterial position and accepting the means so that the minority could become the majority as a statutair right on subjects discussed in congresses and conferences deserve special attention and significance. In both of these changes lessons derived from implementations of the 20. Century parties have been instructive.

Abolishment of the secreterial position from the organizational structure had to be done, because the said position not only slowed down the development of collectivism, but also opened the doors for bureaucratism and arbitrariness.

The change regarding the statutair acceptance of opinions of the minority could become those of the majority in congresses and conferences has been made to prevent infertility in the organisation‘s conceptual thinking world.

This is a step taken for the sake of clarifying the boundries between the unification of thought and action as has to be in a militant revolutionary organisation and the bureaucratic centralised structure which understands unification as everybody saying the same thing under all conditions as if everybody came out from the same lathe. This issue has been emphasized in the amendment made in our bylaw which reads as, “As long as they are not transformed into clique formations which would weaken dicipline and the common action capacity of the organisation, different/diverse opinions can be discussed in congresses and conferences using the means and the methods determined by the Central Committtee to provide vividness in the thinking world of the organisation.”


We have stepped into an era in which economic and social crises will deepen, conflicts will get sharper and the struggle will get thougher in the world and in Turkey. This period bears great opportunities for the future of humanity and the proletariat and yet great dangers as well. In this respect the world is in the beginning of “new” 1930’s.

The neoliberal accumulation model which has influenced the last 30 years and its paradigms have collapsed. The world bourgeoisie is now searching a new model to replace the collapsed one. This model, certainly, will not be determined in offices, in conference halls or in summits where a lot of negotiations and bargainings take place. The effective factor or the dynamics which will shapen the model will be the worldwide class struggles and new class balances emerge as a result of these worldwide class struggles. The final outcome will be influenced one side by the clash between the world proletariat / working classes and the bourgeoisie and on the side the internal conflicts and clashes within the imperialist bourgeoisie.

A sincere revolutionary contention can not stay aside and watch this time interval during which a new page of history is written! It can not display an irresponsible attitude by pontificating, talking and writing just from where it sits! It can not satisfy itself the limited and ineffective lingerings of the past!

The greatest weakness of the proletariat and the working peoples front comes from the lack of consistent revolutionary leadership and organisation. This gap along with itself is also bringing planlessness and non-directionalness. In cases where masses move spontaneously it causes missing several good opportunities, wasting enermous amount of power and energy and break-downs at critical moments. The “stolen revolutions” in Tunisia and Eygpt and the ineffective results obtained in Greece and Spain despite the extraordinary determination and struggle displayed by the masses should be striking. The communists and revolutionaries who claim to be the revolutionary leaders of the working class and working masses are obliged to consider these concrete experiences and remember their historical responsibilities in this respect.

It is necessary to stay away from spontaneous expectations like expecting that deepening in the crises will trigger the working class and the working massesmore massively into the movement which has already begun in various places in the world and has a tendency to expand linearly. It must be kept in mind that there is no crises that the bourgeoisie could not manage unless it is pushed into a corner by the pressure of a powerful class and mass movement which has a clear mind about its target. The deviation of the revolutionary uprising of the Arab peoples to become a means of restoration of the imperialist hegemony should be an alerter in this respect.

One of the significant lessons to be derived from this current experience is that it is important to be prepared when needed (on time) and to act fast. As the uprisings in the Arab countries showed the responses of the bourgeoisie and the reactionism are much faster and developed compared to the communists and revolutionary forces. They percieve the changes in conditions and balances earlier and adjust themselves accordingly. In this respect they do not display any hesitation or conservatism in making the necessary changes in politics and methods, including strategy. If they do not want to be in a shameful position as to watch history while passing by,the communists and the revolutioaries should adopt such responses/reflexes and abilities in this historical era. Let alone to play a leading role, it is impossible to stay even as a revolutionist in this historical process with limited conservative perceptions and habits under the devastating hegemony of neoliberalism along with the tiredness and weariness caused by liqidation and stillness.

Experiences lived so far present meaningful lessons during this historical process when a new page of history is about to be written. Therefore we have to prepared for a militant struggle which will last for a long time bearing ups and downs in the course of difficult hassles. Even though it is stuck after 30 years of unlimited explotation, robery and raid in the favor of neoliberal policies, the bourgeoisie will not give easily! It will try anything it can to exhaust and harass masses who fill the streets and squares with anger! It will try to discourage and intimidate them by using more political force and state terror gradually! Through provoking and escalating nationalism and racism, it will try to split the forces and distrack them.

The way to prepare the class and the masses against the maneou and counter-attacks of the bourgeoisie goes through making them to aquire a historical consciousness bearing a socialist character and a strategic perspective. The prerequisite for this is to put in front of them a clear and a convincing program and alternative policies which worth struggling for. Today, a revolutionism depending only on propaganda and agitation can not be a pioneer!

The second lesson to be taken from the experiences gone through so far is: Whoever goes out to streets, wins! Forces who struggle side by side with masses in all their actions and produce alternative solutions for their vital problems can become pioneers only, not the ones who preach and sell ideas to them from offices! “Revolutionism” which can not attract attention of the class and broad masses by its attitude and actions, “revolutionism” which is inconsistent in terms of sayings versus doings (words vs. actions), “revolutionism” which fails to receive trust and support of the class and the masses with its non-convincing theories and policies can no longer exist anymore!

The consequences will be serious and heavy, if we can not lead the accumulated rage and reaction of the masses who do not want to live as they lived so far and searching a way out from this following a militant socialist line based on a clear program. If we, as communists and revolutionaries, can not organise this reaction of the masses who gradually started to question the system whose hegemonic ideology has cracked anyway, then there will not be a barrier which will prevent them from being dragged after the racist, fascist parties as was the case in 1930’s. The examples of Greece, France, Austria, Nederland and Denmark should be alerting in this respect.

In fact this danger has already become a reality in a different way in Turkey. As a neoliberal version of the Turkish-Islamic synthesis, a racist sectarianism has penetrated into all pores of the society. This reactionism, along with the help of the 12 September 1980 fascism and post 1980 neoliberal accumulation strategies and the new internatioal job shairing, has seized power in politics, ecenomy and administration. This reactionism, heading towards a typical fascist social engineering model, has woven an organised and extensive social relations web in which it made its ossificate followers grow bigger in this so called “civil society” web. It took great steps in establishing its “own” businessman organisations, its “own” labor unions, its “own” media, its “own” intellectual, its “own” liberal, its “own” leftist(!), its “own” Kurds, its “own”Alawite in this civil society web!

It continued the social engineering work in the fields of economy, politics, administrative structure and etc. fearlessly to the extent how powerfull it felt. Its fundamental aim here is to mould the entire social area into a shape that would obediently accept the capitalist explotation that is getting wilder. It wants to create a social formation which surrenders to the policies of the global capital and the monopolist bourgeoisie using all social reactionist instruments, placing religion at the top.

The imagined society is a society that will give cconsent to all kinds of slavery. All kinds of reactionary value judgements, especially on the family formation (establishment) are tried to be swallowed to the society. The needs of the Sunnite Islamic capitalism constitutes the fundamental axis of this activity. The sharp point of this strategical aggression is mostly addressed to the youth and to the working women. Today’s children and youth who will join to the working class in groups in the future are the main target of this aggression. The new education system formulated as 4+4+4 which has been suddenly put on the agenda and put in practice is the effort for raising a generation that conforms with the future plans. This aggression bears reactionary fascist characters in its core. The other components of this strategy are the increasing aggressions and discriminatory implementations on Alawites and women. The message behind all these is that there will be no tolerance to other religious formations other than the Sunnite Islam and the society will be moulded accordingly.

Some people have the tendency to attribute all these to AKP (the ruling party in Turkey) and limits everything with it. However this development in fact is the continuation of the line of the Turkish-Islamic Synthesis which is being imposed on the society by all means since September 12, 1980 and on back stage there stands the ideological line and approach of global neoliberal restructuring hand in hand with fascism and religious reactionism. In Turkey AKP, after Özal’s Motherland Party, became the representative of this reactionary fascist line which became dominat worldwide.

All kinds and types of opportunism favoring the “second republic” has a great “sin” in the process of structuring this new type of fascism as per the reqirements of the neoliberal policies which established an ideological and social hegemony. They have deceived the working class and the working masses by calling the aggression worse thenever which implemented advanced methods to control the society as “democratisation”. The so called “democratisation” in fact included surveillance from education to family, from number of children in the family to abortion right, from art and aesthetic issues to entertainment styles. The “second republic” fans supported the tendency to shapen all the fields of the social life conforming to their rules and measures, forming lynch groups which would obey the accumulated power at the top as “democratisation”. History will not forget their omnious role they have played as it did not forget the role of the social democrats of the 1930’s!

The Turkish Sunnite fascism characterized by its hostility primarily on Kurds exercise furious aggressiveness to whoever opposes to it has unfortunately become one of the main factors which determines the domestic and foreign policies today. And in both areas it is in a dangereous and adventurous course that will drag the society to bloody clashes and wars. This can be prevented only by setting forth a strong militant socialist alternative that will give hope and self confidence to the class and to the working masses.

As the strategical task for the forthcoming period, our 1. Congress put in front of TİKB the goal to create levelwise diversification in revolutionism. It defined the essence of this goal as to come forward in the line of proletarian revolutionism as a militant socialist body and to organise the revolution and socialism by being together with our class on a massive scale while a new page of history is being written.

We have entered into the period following our 4. Conference -in which we have separated our course from the liquidator petit-bourgeoisie intellectual clique that brought TİKB almost to the point of being wiped out- with the claim and the strategic target of to make TİKB to stand on its feet. We focused ourselves on three main aspects in achieving the target: concentrate on working in the class, start to construct a new proletarian revolutianary identity and head towards to constitute a program.

What we have acomplished since then is obvious!! As far as construction of a new proletarian revolutionary identity is concerned, we could not reach to the targeted level due to the magnitude of the destruction caused by the liquidating intellectual clique who corrupted the organisation as well as themselves by evading from the Leninist line of militant proletarian socialism. We have also been inadequate to some extent in areas such as; working in the class, construction of revolutionary underground, elevating the treshold in the action capacity of the organisation and the militantship. But despite all our deficiencies and inadequacies we succeded to make TİKB on its feet. We kept this promise of ours which have made to our class and our comrades who have become immortal in the course of the struggle! Today we are in front of history and our comrades with a solved program problem. Now it has become a must to go to a higher level. This has to be done not only because of the historical responsibility imposed by the conditions of the period we are in, but also the point we had come after being born out of our ashes directs us to do so.

As TİKB our priorities in the coming period are: to reinforce a militant socialist practice, to upgrade the ML political formations of our cadre and our supporting forces and expedite the construction of a Leninist organisation bearing an aim to lead to a party.

We shall be successful in achieving these with the power and confidence we get from our ML ideology, from our history and from our Program!

We will raise the flag of proletarian revolution and socialism higher and higher on the way to classless communist society which will bring salvation to humanity!





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